Where will the clean energy come from?

Last week, the president proposed a new push to reduce GHG. It’s not clear how (or if) the Congress will go along, or how much can be legally accomplished without legislative support.

One of the major targets is, as expected, coal generating electricity plants. Obviously the coal miners and the coal-intensive electric companies would try to push back, but again, it’s unknown how successful they will be. It’s also not entirely clear what the point of reducing US coal consumption is, if the entire US consumption is about a billion tons while Chinese demand has risen from 3 to 4 billion tons in only 5 years and India is also increasing coal generation.

That said, if the plan (or some other approach) succeeds in getting rid of US coal plants, where will the replacement electric generating capacity come from?

Hydro is maxed out, and wind and solar can only ramp so quickly. The remaining no-CO2 option is nuclear, but it’s becoming increasingly uneconomic. As the WSJ reported last week:

Nuclear power produces two-thirds of the nation's emission-free electricity, but that industry is in the doldrums now because of slack power prices in deregulated markets and generally low demand for power. The plants also suffer from high fixed costs.
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Dominion Resources Inc., D +0.60% a big owner of nuclear plants and utilities, shut down its Kewaunee nuclear plant in Wisconsin last month because it can't operate it profitably in the current energy environment. "Longer term, nuclear has to be a major part of the solution," said Tom Farrell, chief executive of Dominion, which is based in Richmond, Va.

Nuclear is plagued by high capital and other fixed costs, despite low variable costs. With natural gas prices plummeting, it’s hard to see how it will ever be cost-competitive again.

Natural gas generates half the carbon emissions of coal plants, but that’s still more than zero. Fixed costs (and nuclear waste) aside, nuclear would be a better GHG solution but one that seems increasingly out of reach.

Putting eggs in the wrong basket

The DOE’s loan guarantee program is coming to a close — going out with a bang and not a whimper. Today particularly it’s proving to be “news that’s fit to print,” as the old Grey Lady motto goes.

The political posturing in Congress over the Solyndra ”scandal” has its latest act today when the Solyndra CEO and CFO are scheduled to take the fifth today rather than tell what honestly happened. Meanwhile, the DOE Loan Programs Office is rushing to process the remaining Section 1705 applications in hopes of giving away $9.4 billion before the program expires a week from today.

The New York Times covered both stories on Friday, with Solyndra on the front page — above the fold — and an update on the LPO buried on page B7. Going with the politics angle, the NYT got its priorities backward — as did the LPO.

The article inside was the real bombshell:

First Solar Says It Won’t Meet U.S. Loan Guarantee Deadline
By Matthew L. Wald

First Solar, a major solar panel manufacturer, said Thursday that it would not be able to accept a partial loan guarantee of $1.93 billion for a giant solar farm in San Luis Obispo County, Calif., because it could not meet the statutory deadline of Sept. 30 to complete the Energy Department’s requirements.

To be fair, the NYT may have buried the story because it was scooped by TheStreet.com.

As the NYT and others reported, First Solar still expects to be funded for two other projects: Desert Sunlight (500MW) and Antelope (350MW). However, the 550 MW Topaz Solar Farm is one of the largest (global) PV installations ever planned, and is also an important project for California (specifically PG&E’s) efforts to meet RPS quotas). It would be located near the existing Diablo Canyon transmission lines, and also would also increase geographic diversity as one of the most westerly solar farms in a state that since the 1980s has sited generating capacity in the southeast (Mojave) desert.

First Solar shares are down 25% in the past week — both because of the specific concern about the loss of the loan guarantee and hit to projected earnings, but also the pall over the entire industry caused by the Solyndra scandal.

Testifying last week before Congress, LPO head Jonathan Silver emphasized that the DOE was emphasizing solar (and other RE) generating facilities over manufacturers (35+ vs. 4 IIRC) because the former have more predictable cashflows and thus are better investments. Particularly with power purchase agreements in place, once completed there is no market risk akin to what took out Solyndra.

Perhaps First Solar wasn’t going to get the loan for other reasons (such as environmental controversies). Still, leaving unfunded major solar farms is a big problem for industry, for society, for taxpayers and for greenhouse gas reduction.

It’s not that the Page One Solyndra story was uninteresting, as it noted all the warning signs available to the administration before the loan guarantee was issued. The online version released a series of documents showing various doubts about Solyndra’s application, impending commoditization, and then concerns by career officials about the process being rushed both in March and September 2009 for political reasons. It also shows the doubts that arose after the loans were granted, as well the successful efforts by Solyndra execs and lobbyists to convince officials to ignores these warning signs.

However, the DOE is rushing out the projects it can most quickly review which are not necessarily not the best projects. The problem of the frantic rush in the final month to commit half the loan balances — after badly investing the first loan guarantee — suggests a problem of prioritization.

A VC, startup or even a multinational knows that it can’t do everything and thus has to prioritize its efforts. Perhaps with the heady funding of stimulus windfall — plus an academic as department secretary — the DOE failed to have the market discipline and realism to focus its attention on the most important priorities. (Or maybe Congress just screwed up, by not allocating it as $6 million/year over three years.)

There’s the old saying: “put all your eggs in one basket — and then watch that basket.” With $18 billion available to invest, the LPO was not limited to a single basket, but there were other, safer investments it could have made that would have supported the cleantech industry.

Green vs. Green

USA Today updates the rest of the USA today on the fight in the Mojave between the supporters of Tortoises for Global Warming™ and the anti-AGW environmentalists.

The headline and the first paragraph say it all:

Solar plans pit green vs. green
By Keith Matheny

Plans to create huge solar energy plants in the deserts of California, Arizona, Nevada and elsewhere in the West are pitting one green point of view vs. another.

The There’s really nothing new for those who have followed the controversy for the past two years, but the article does update the score: 9 projects approved and 2 pending (plus 2 approved in Nevada). It also mentions “More than a dozen other utility-scale solar projects are in the permitting pipeline in California, Nevada and Arizona.”

The article does briefly mention the controversy over Ivanpah — as well as its $1.37b in Federal loan guarantees — but not the planned IPO of its intended operator, BrightSource.

I’d commend Matheny (of the Palm Springs Desert Sun) for bringing this to a national audience, but Ivanpah alone has been covered a few dozen times in the New York Times. Still, any publicity on the issue is good for the public policy debate over the serious tradeoffs here between the predicted (although not provable) impacts on AGW or certain endangered species.

Some observations on global solar adoption

I just spent two days at a workshop for solar equipment producers sponsored by Festo AG. (I was invited to support its efforts to build a Festo-sponsored open innovation community.) Several of the speakers offered great statistics, history and other facts about the development of the industry.

Below are a few “stylized facts” about where PV is being produced and used.

1. Solar Price is Relative

Substitute costs are the key driver of solar adoption. If energy is cheap, no one wants expensive RE. If energy is expensive, RE may not seem all that expensive. European adoption is high due to high fossil fuel prices, while US has historically had cheap energy. However, with our high insolation and high (Tier 4 or Tier 5) utility bills California is almost break-even without subsidies today, Hawaii too. Germany is a long way off, China will be decades away at 5c/kWH.

2. Roadmaps Help

The PC industry grew for 40+ years with a a technology roadmap based on Moore's Law. There is evidence that PV cost cuts also provided a predictable roadmap. According to consultant Ruurd Boomsma, the prices generally fell 5-6% per annum, much more slowly than LCD prices over the past decade. (However, prices fell more dramatically in 2009 and it’s not clear if that’s the new normal or a one-time shock.)

3. US is Inherently Messy

It is clear that the US policy regime is more fragmented, confused and contradictory than either Germany or China. Although Germany has Federalism, the RE policy is mainly at the national level, not the staaten. In most other countries, the states/ provinces are relatively weak and the RE policy is made at the national level. Also, RE policies (eg. for residential solar) are better understood in countries with national policies than in the US (where the major policies are at the state level).

4. Jobs Follow the Entire Value Chain

There's been a lot of discussion (and hand-wringing) on the huge shift of PV production to China and elsewhere in Asia. However, the major shift has been for cells. Modules are more expensive to ship and to inventory, and may continue to be produced near (or closer to) actual use. Installer jobs will also remain in the developed economies and perhaps the balance of system too.

5. California isn’t Serious About Green Jobs

California has spent lots of money on RE subsidies and is proud to lead the nation in such subsidies — just as it led the nation in regulating tailpipe emissions for years. However, the state has been trying for 20 years to destroy the local manufacturing base through regulation and taxation. If not for the dot-com boom, this would have been pretty obvious a decade ago, but the lagging recovery (and 12% unemployment is making them visible now.)

Mayors, legislators and governors claim to want green jobs, but their bureaucracies tie up new manufacturing efforts with red tape through opaque discretionary approval processes. (I heard a few choice examples Tuesday). It’s no coincidence that the silicon has left “Silicon Valley: that Santa Clara-based Intel is building factories in Oregon and Arizona and New Mexico but has closed its last factory in Silicon Valley. SV alumni and VCs start companies here because it’s convenient, but the manufacturing is going elsewhere.

Five years from now, I predict there will be no large-scale solar manufacturing in California. The PV manufacturing growth for California and the Southwest will be in Nevada (no income tax), Arizona and New Mexico.

Tortoises for Global Warming (tm)

I’ve previously written about the perverse goals of some environmentalists and politicians to block RE development protect wildlife. or, worse yet, to save views in Cape Cod or the Mojave Desert. Some of the same activists who want government to force through spending and approval on RE facilities cringe when there’s a tradeoff between reduced CO2 emissions and other environmental goals.

The NYT’s green blogger, environmentalist Todd Woody, does an unusually good job of capturing both sides of this dilemma in his blog posting and article today about how more than 4 gigawatts of newly-authorized capacity (mostly solar thermal) will likely transform the Mojave Desert — despite repeated objections by the Sierra Club and other environmentalists.

The flashpoint of the Mojave controversy is the California Desert Tortoise. As Woody writes:

The protected desert tortoise has become the totemic animal for environmentalists fighting to ensure that the huge solar farms don’t eliminate essential habitat for the long-lived reptile and other wildlife, like the bighorn sheep and flat-tailed horned lizard.

The tortoise has been in decline for decades, and the rampant development of the desert – from casinos and strip malls to subdivisions and off road recreational vehicle areas – took their toll long before construction began late last month on the Ivanpah solar power plant, the first large-scale solar thermal project to be break ground in the United States in 20 years.

However, as Woody also notes, the new plants will provide resources, funding and data to better understand the tortoise and how to preserve it. (In other words, much as building a shopping center sometimes funds archaeological digs that otherwise would not have happened.)

The article suggests that the controversy is far from over. In the short run, it may get stronger as Gov. Brown appoints one or more wildlife environmentalists to replace Schwarzenegger appointees who consi entire favor RE over wildlife. In the long run, the actual evidence gathered by the newly-funded scientists should resolve the debate one way or the other.

Which way is the wind blowing?

The most controversial wind project in the US, the 400+ megawatt Cape Wind planned off Cape Cod, was approved by the Federal government Wednesday. Many considered this a surprising development, because of the adamant opposition of the Kennedy family — and other affluent members of the Massachusetts economic and political elite — who objected to the impact on their views of the Nantucket Sound.

As with solar energy in the Mojave Desert, this controversy found unlikely adversaries between pro-RE environmentalists and anti-development environmentalists. The Obama Administration, represented by Interior Secretary Ken Salazar, came down (mostly) on the side of renewable energy.

The NY Times captured the tension of this conflict in its own backyard:

Friends and foes have squared off over the impact it would have on nature, local traditions, property values and electricity bills; on the profits to be pocketed by a private developer; and even the urgency of easing the nation’s dependence on fossil fuels, a priority of the Obama administration.

Opponents argued that Cape Wind would create an industrial eyesore in a pristine area; supporters countered that it was worth sacrificing aesthetics for the longer-term goal of producing clean, renewable energy.

Developers say that Cape Wind will provide 75 percent of the power for Cape Cod, Nantucket and Martha’s Vineyard — the equivalent of that produced by a medium-size coal-fired plant. It would also reduce carbon dioxide emissions by the equivalent of taking 175,000 cars off the road, officials said, and provide 1,000 construction jobs.

The project has also made for some strange bedfellows. Cape Wind is backed by both Greenpeace and the United States Chamber of Commerce.

It has been opposed perhaps most prominently by members of the Kennedy family. Senator Kennedy was a longtime sailor on Nantucket Sound and fought the project up until he died.

President Obama himself on Tuesday toured the Siemens factory in Iowa where the turbines would be made. (No mention whether Iowa’s pivotal role as a swing state played any role in the factory location or the presidential visit.) The administration expects a string of future offshore wind farms up and down the East Coast, as part of a plan to raise wind to 4% of electricity generated in 2030.

In my memory, renewable energy was last in ascendancy in the 1970s and early 1980s around the time of the two Arab oil embargoes. Of the influential politicians of the day, Jimmy Carter probably would have sided with green energy (and energy independence) over Kennedy views — particularly when Sen. Kennedy began his very public nomination challenge leading up to the 1980 election.

I suspect that another Carter primary rival in 1976 and 1980 — Edmund G. Brown Jr. — would have come down another way. Then at the peak of his “Small is Beautiful” (ala EF Schumacher) infatuation, Jerry Brown was then about building less things, using less, spending less and consuming less.

What about today? In his adamant support for AB32 — the California precursor to national cap-and-trade legislation — Brown today is clearly about consuming less energy. While his campaign website brags about tax credits in the 1970s that brought windmills to California (mainly in the Altamont Pass,Tehachapis, and near Palm Springs), it doesn’t say how he’d come down on an RE vs. environmental preservation issue.

Our current Governator has strongly favored RE over environmental protection, implying that favoring the latter is something only a “girly man” who do. Given their moderate records on green energy, I suspect both of Brown’s GOP rivals — Meg Whitman and Steve Poizner — would also come down in favor of renewable energy (ala the Chamber of Commerce), particularly if there’s little government money involved.

But what would Jerry Brown do? I guess it depends on which way the wind is blowing. For the Obama administration, it appears that making progress on long-term renewable energy goals is more important than satisfying a small number of avid supporters in its base. This is good news for the wind turbine industry, and renewable energy advocates more broadly.

Route 66 views are more important than clean energy

The NYT report Tuesday covered several angles I hadn’t seen on Sen. Diane Feinstein’s bill to block solar energy development in the Mojave Desert.

First, it said that Feinstein’s concerns is not protecting flora and fauna, but aesthetics — having solar panels out there would look ugly. Of course, to renewable energy advocates the prospect of large facilities satisfying the energy needs of entire cities is quite attractive — and this is certainly not something that has discouraged the Germans or Spaniards. (Perhaps the senator should travel more). But this is also the argument that is often made against windmills on ridgelines.

Secondly, the article noted that even the prospect of legislation has killed the idea of developing solar farms in that part of the Mojave. In the face of uncertainty — high political risk — solar entrepreneurs have stopped working on projects for the area. When we teach business, we normally think of political risk as something that happens in third world countries, but of course it’s a problem in any context where the government is heavily involved in the market.

The article summarized a visit by Feinstein and her entourage to prospective solar sites in the Mojave:

As conflicts over building solar farms in the Mojave escalated earlier this year, Mrs. Feinstein trekked to the desert in April. …

The presentation over, the entourage rolled on to the next solar project site to hear the developer’s pitch. Mrs. Feinstein gave the developers a hearing but was not moved by their arguments, according to five people present on the tour. The senator seemed concerned about the visual effect of huge solar farms on Route 66, the highway that runs through the Mojave, they said.

Third, while this is an awful idea — legacy-building by a US senator who will be 79 when her current term expires — few Californians (union, solar, environmentalists, government officials) are willing to say so for fear of political retaliation. (Again, another example of why governing based on political influence and whim rather than policy is a terrible idea.)

Fourth, despite what renewable energy advocates said about George W. Bush, a Bush-era effort pushed for more solar development in the Mojave and other Southwestern deserts to meet society’s energy needs with renewable energy. (I guess the common thread is that if there’s something private industry could build to provide more energy, the former oilman was in favor of it.) The NYT makes it clear that Obama and particularly Feinstein are placing much more emphasis on conservation than Bush did.

So in the end, the indictment of the Feinstein plan comes from one of the few people who’s powerful enough to stand up to the senator — the namesake of a martyred US senator and nephew of the most popular Democratic president of the past 50 years:

“This is arguably the best solar land in the world, and Senator Feinstein shouldn’t be allowed to take this land off the table without a proper and scientific environmental review,” said Robert F. Kennedy Jr., the environmentalist and a partner with a venture capital firm that invested in a solar developer called BrightSource Energy. In September, BrightSource canceled a large project in the monument area.

This proposal is among the worst examples of NIMBY-ism. Society wants and needs renewable energy, but various interests game the system to say “sure, but not in my back yard.” Laws are passed based on the intense opposition, overriding a more diffuse public need; hearings will be about saving the views and the flora and fauna, not the difficult it creates for meeting the state and country’s renewable energy goals.

As RFK Jr. notes, the Mojave is the best solar land in California and perhaps the world. There are many other scenic desert vistas in the United States — but further from large power-hungry metropolitan regions.

Perhaps Californians might have to drive to Utah or Arizona or New Mexico to see such vistas — or into one of the thousands of acres of existing monuments in California. But if it were put to a vote of California voters, I think the decision would be overwhelmingly in favor of using the desert for renewable energy rather than a monument to one senator’s political clout.

Feinstein strikes a blow against renewable energy

Setting up a fight with Governor Schwarzenegger, Senator Diane Feinstein (D-Calif.) today introduced legislation to restrict development on more than 1.3 million acres of the Mojave Desert. (WSJ says 1.7 million). The proposed legislation would create two new national monuments, national wilderness and extend two existing national parks.

Fights over the appropriate use of the California desert are as old as the modern environmental movement — at least 40 years. The fight has traditionally been to protect flora, fauna and their associated habitat from traditional enemies such as military tanks (at the sprawling Army’s Fort Irwin and the Marine’s Twentynine Palms bases) and off-road vehicles.

However, what’s new is that these proposed restrictions are aimed squarely at using the California desert for renewable energy generation. With few clouds, southerly latitudes (35°-36° North), and located 50-100 miles from downtown LA, the Mojave is ideally situated for providing solar power for the 13 million people in metropolitan Los Angeles, as well as the larger five-county Greater Los Angeles that holds half the state’s population.

It is thus not surprising that America’s first significant utility-scale solar energy plant — the Kramer Junction Solar Electric Generating System — was developed in the Mojave more than 20 years ago. In addition to this 165 MW solar thermal facility, a new 553 MW facility is planned by the same operators to sell renewable energy to PG&E.

Other parts of the Mojave are well suited for wind energy. The Tehachapis (at the west end of the Mojave) are one of California’s two major wind energy producing regions, along with the Altamont Pass east of Oakland.

Some might wonder whether renewable energy is an unintended victim of restrictions aimed at off-road vehicles, but public statements in the LA Times report make it clear that the damage is quite intentional:

During a tour of the area Sunday, David Myers, executive director of the Wildlands Conservancy, scrambled up a rocky hill at the base of a row of snaggletoothed mountains freckled with clumps of brittlebush.

"Heroic country, isn't it?" he said. "Just a few months ago, there were plans to cover this entire landscape with solar and wind farms. Instead, with this legislation, we are striking a balance with the insatiable demands of population growth."

Establishing a national monument or wilderness is one of the most bureaucratic approaches that could be imagined to restrict renewable energy development: it’s not “striking a balance,” but slamming on the brakes. With the Federal protections in place, environmentalists will be able to delay or block renewable energy development for years if not decades.

California has told utilities they need to buy one third of the state’s electricity from renewable power sources by 2020. Thus the state has the proper motivation to strike a balance between two competing environmental goals — carbon-free energy production and habitat protection — in the way the Feds never will.

It would have been nice if California could have created its own state park in this region to mediate such a balance. However, that approach might have suffered the same problem as the federalization of the Mojave. Last summer, the legislature passed SB 679 (vetoed by Gov. Schwarzenegger) which would have required any land taken for non-park use be replaced by additional land — also discouraging use of the land for renewable power generation. As the governor wrote in his veto message:

Under existing law, the Director of Parks … may sell, exchange, and acquire State Park property deemed necessary for the extension, improvement, or development of the State Park system. Whether it is roads, water and energy infrastructure, or areas necessary for the installation of renewable energy facilities, maintaining the flexibility of the current process is absolutely necessary as the state continues to strive to meet its infrastructure needs for a growing population.

Up until this point, the interests of wildlife environmentalists and global warming environmentalists have usually been aligned, with rare exceptions like birds dying in the Altamont Pass windmills. These two sets of competing values — habitat protection vs. renewable energy production — need to be reconciled through open debate and our public policy process. I think the proper place to do so is at the state level, not in Washington DC. California has a proud record of being at the forefront of the environmental movement for more than a century (think John Muir).

Utility scale solar power stations will be an essential part of any realistic effort to achieve the mandate of 33% Renewable Portfolio Standard energy by 2020. Such an effort — harnessing private industry to replace fossil fuels burned every day to support our society — is more concrete than all the hot air spewed by so-called “green” politicians over the past decade. Saying you support restrictions on greenhouse gasses and renewable energy but blocking renewable energy development is dissembling even by the low standards of career politicians.

Update 4:30pm: The actual map released by Sen. Feinstein today makes it clear that most of the area being restricted is on the Eastern edge of the state. (The exception is the proposed “Sand to Snow National Monument” (an odd name) west of Joshua Tree, which seems to include ridgeline land that could be a potentially valuable wind generation region just north of the existing Palm Springs wind farm.)

The proposed national wilderness and the Mojave Trails National Monument border the Mojave National Preserve and the east side of Fort Irwin, including plots of sunny land near major electric transmission lines. As the WSJ reports:

The Mojave is particularly attractive because it not only offers nearly uninterrupted days of bright sunshine in a sparsely populated area, but lies near a major electric-transmission corridor from California to Nevada.

In addition to the I-15 corridor to Nevada, the restrictions would overlap the I-40 and Route 66 corridors to Arizona. If, as the WSJ notes, a major environmental concern for large renewable energy plants is building new roads to access the plants, then the corridors along these three national highways should be a high priority for energy development.

We’ll see how “balanced” this proposal is when we hear from the governor and electric utilities. My guess that solar entrepreneurs will be too scared to openly oppose the Feds, in case the legislation passes and they have to beg the Feds for the right to develop in one of the national monuments.

Environmentalists against solar energy

Normally when it comes to environmental policy, the renewable energy industry is on the side of the angels. A rare exception is Sen. Diane Feinstein’s imminent proposal to block off portions of the Mojave Desert from renewable energy projects.

As the AP summed it up:

California's Mojave Desert may seem ideally suited for solar energy production, but concern over what several proposed projects might do to the aesthetics of the region and its tortoise population is setting up a potential clash between conservationists and companies seeking to develop renewable energy.

Nineteen companies have submitted applications to build solar or wind facilities on a parcel of 500,000 desert acres, but Sen. Dianne Feinstein said last Friday that such development would violate the spirit of what conservationists had intended when they donated much of the land to the public.

Feinstein said she intends to push legislation that would turn the land into a national monument, which would allow for existing uses to continue while preventing future development.

The main focus on the controversy has been on solar energy. The Mojave is the site of America’s first commercial-scale solar (thermal) energy system, the nine plants of the Solar Electricity Generating Systems dating back to 1985. The 354 MW capacity were once the largest in the world.

However, the desert is not far from the wind farms of the Tehachapi Pass, which with more than 4000 turbines is said to be the 2nd largest collection of wind generators in the world (after the Bay Area’s Altamont Pass). Depending on the boundaries, the monument might impact either wind generator or transmission.

While exacerbated by the increased clout of environmentalists in the White House and and Congres, the controversy has been simmering for a while.

Nearly 12 months ago at the Yale Climate Change Conference, Gov. Schwarzenegger blasted environmentalists. It was in the context of the San Diego’s planned powerline to Imperial County, but it would also apply to this month’s dispute:

One energy expert the other day said that the California Mojave desert which is a vast space with thousands of square miles is one of the best spots on planet earth for solar power plants. Pacific Gas & Electric wants to put three huge solar plants right there. And the whole world the Germans, the French, the Canadians, the Japanese they all want to come out to California and put solar power plants in the Mojave desert and in other places. The only thing is that the problem is getting that new energy to the power grid because of environmental hurdles.
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What they have here is a case of environmental regulations holding up environmental progress. I don't know whether this is ironic or absurd. But, I mean, if we cannot put solar power plants in the Mojave desert, I don't know where the hell we can put it. (Applause)

Ladies and gentlemen, this is the real world. We have to make some tradeoffs. I think both the environmental activists and their opponents cannot let "perfect" become the enemy of "possible," because the fact of the matter is nothing is perfect. Solar still needs transmission lines.

The governator is well-informed. For now, utility-scale plants appear to be the future of solar energy generation in California (if not the Southwest), and those plants require land that has high insolation, proximity to population centers and transmission lines back to those cities.

Moving the panels out of California will increase the transmission costs — both in terms of capital costs and transmission losses. It will also make it harder for California utilities to meet their 2020 renewable energy mandate.

Even the progressive editorialists of LA Times are skeptical:

We'll withhold judgment on Feinstein's monument proposal until she actually produces it -- the senator is still studying which lands to protect in a swath between the Mojave National Preserve and Joshua Tree National Park. The decision-making process presents a welcome opportunity for dialogue about balancing the need for renewable power with the need to conserve sensitive lands.

Yet perhaps it's possible to love the desert too much; if we go too far in protecting it from solar development, those wide arid spaces promise to become a lot wider in the scorching future.

Tesla praying for its own bailout

Tesla delivered their 100th car Tuesday, of 1200 cars on their backlog. The (presold) delivery took place at their Menlo Park dealership to a minor celebrity best known for standing next to Oprah.

However, the big news is that Tesla is seeking $350 million in low interest loans to develop its (currently on hold) plans for a mass market ($58k) four-door sedan. The parallels to the bailout of the Detroit three are unavoidable.

Despite such parallels, CEO Elon Musk rejects the analogy. As KCBS radio summarized

Tesla needs government capital, but the federal loan the electric car manufacturer wants to use to finance production on a battery-powered sedan does not come from the auto industry bailout now being debated in Congress.

The San Carlos-based company is awaiting a $350 million loan from the Department of Energy under a program Congress approved last year to encourage the development of energy- efficient vehicles.

Tesla CEO Elon Musk said that money would finance a plant in San Jose where the Model S—to be priced just under $60,000—will be developed.

He was quick to clarify the money would go towards future development rather than existing day-to-day operating costs, a crucial difference between the DOE program and the bailout of the Big Three.

So it’s coming from a different pot of money, and (perhaps) the plan predated the recent collapse of demand for consumer durables.

Certainly the Tesla funding is more consonant with existing DOE policy to encourage alternative fuel vehicles, rather than the recent tendency of Washington politicians to offer (as both left and right deride it) a “bridge loan to nowhere.”